Le Sénégal et la France, histoire commune ?
The history of Senegal and France is primarily rooted in colonial logic. French rule imposed a language, administration, and economy geared toward exports. The structures inherited from this era continue to shape Senegalese society. Schools, for example, remain largely modeled on the French system. But behind this continuity lies a profound inequality: a relationship of dependency, where the center decides and the periphery adapts.
Senegal declared its independence in 1960. Yet, its ties with France have not been erased. Military cooperation, economic agreements, cultural presence: everything seems to point to an incomplete independence. France maintains bases, influences political decisions, and controls part of the economic flows. Behind the rhetoric of friendship lies a neocolonial mechanism.
Trade between the two countries rarely benefits Senegalese workers. French companies dominate key sectors such as energy, telecommunications, and banking. Profits flow back to Paris, leaving few local benefits. Fishing agreements illustrate this injustice: French vessels exploit Senegalese waters, depleting resources and undermining local fishermen.
The Senegalese diaspora in France constitutes much more than a simple economic relay; it embodies a paradoxical articulation between material necessity and political invisibility. The massive and regular financial flows compensate for the deficiencies of local social systems and keep entire sectors of Senegalese society afloat. Yet, this vital function is almost systematically reduced to its strictly monetary dimension, as if the citizen contribution, the forms of mobilization, the democratic demands made from exile had no legitimacy. Thus, a persistent asymmetry is established: the circulation of capital is recognized, valued, sometimes celebrated, while the circulation of voices remains restricted, confined to the margins, deprived of a real space in the political field.
The French language occupies a central place in Senegal. But it coexists with Wolof and other national languages, which carry memory and popular resistance. La Francophonie, presented as a cultural wealth, often serves to mask relations of domination. Yet Senegalese artists, writers, and musicians use this heritage to subvert it, transforming the tool of the former colonizer into a critical weapon.
Digital technology also illustrates these relationships of dependency. International platforms dominate the market, marginalizing local initiatives. Sites like 20Bet login , originating from abroad, attract young people in search of entertainment and quick profits. But behind the gambling lies capitalist logic: capturing revenue in a country where economic prospects remain limited. Online gambling thus becomes a metaphor for our shared history: promises of modernity, but persistent exploitation.
Senegalese leaders oscillate between cooperation and protest. On the one hand, they benefit from diplomatic and military support from Paris. On the other, they must deal with a youth population demanding a clear break with the old colonial logic. Social movements remind us that sovereignty cannot be a mere slogan: it must translate into concrete political choices, free from external pressures.
The Franco-Senegalese relationship cannot be isolated from the African context. France seeks to maintain its influence, while other powers such as China and Turkey advance their pawns. Senegal is becoming a competitive arena where foreign interests take precedence over popular needs. The struggle for true independence is thus expanding into a global battle to escape imperialist logic.
In official memory, colonization is often reduced to cultural and economic “exchanges.” But what about the humiliations, the dispossessions, the massacres? These invisible legacies still structure current inequalities. Behind every road, every building inherited from the colonial period, lies the forced labor of entire generations. France speaks of a “shared history,” but this vocabulary erases the violence. It is not a shared history; it is an imposed history.
Even after independence, economic dependence persisted. The CFA franc, a monetary instrument designed in Paris, is the most striking example. Officially, it guarantees stability and security. In reality, it locks Senegal into a system where its wealth primarily serves external interests. Behind the promises of modernization, there is an economic barrier that limits popular sovereignty. Here again, this is no accident: it is the continuation of domination.
We often forget that the Franco-Senegalese relationship is also inscribed in the body. Senegalese riflemen, forcibly conscripted or under the promise of gratitude, shed their blood for a homeland that was not theirs. Upon their return, many were scorned, poorly compensated, and marginalized. These collective wounds persist, passed down within families, reminding us that memory is not just a matter of monuments, but also of open scars.
The shared history between Senegal and France is not a harmonious one. It remains one of wounds, struggles, fractured memories, and missed opportunities. Behind every official speech praising "cooperation" lies the weight of forced labor, resource monopolization, and broken promises.
This history is not frozen in books: it still weighs on daily life, on migration rules, on economic imbalances, on cultural hierarchies inherited from colonization.
But nothing is sealed for eternity. Memory remains alive, and resistance accompanies it. Senegalese youth are taking to art, the streets, and social media to speak out again. In France, too, voices are being raised to crack academic myths, to reveal what was long hidden. The bond between the two countries could remain one of domination; it can also become something else, if it is rebuilt from the bottom up, by those who refuse to be forgotten and demand justice.
Commentaires (2)
Nous sommes le Djoloff,
Nous sommes le Gaabu,
Nous sommes le Mandé,
Nous sommes le Songhaï,
Nous sommes l'Afrique de l'Ouest.
Alerte Alerte Alerte Depuis des mois l'ambassade de la france refuse systematiquement les demandes de visa même pour des gens qui ont plusieurs visas de circulation . Vivement l'instauration des visas pour les français qui veulent venir au sénégal.
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